社科院英語真題

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Custom has not been commonly regarded as asubject of any great moment. The inner workings of our own brains we feel to beuniquely worthy of investigation， but custom have a way of thinking， is behaviour at its most commonplace. As a matter of fact， it is the other way around.Traditional custom， taken the world over， is a mass of detailed behaviour more astonishing than what any oneperson can ever evolve in individual actions，no matter how aberrant. Yet that is a rather trivial aspect of thematter. The fact of first-rate importance is the predominant role that customplays in experience and in belief， and the very great varieties it may manifest. !LggIk1  
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No man ever looks at the world withpristine eyes. He sees it edited by a definite set of customs and institutionsand ways of thinking. Even in his philosophical probings he cannot go behindthese stereotypes； his veryconcepts of the true and the false will still have reference to his particulartraditional customs. John Dewey has said in all seriousness that the partplayed by custom in shaping the behaviour of the individual as over against anyway in which he can affect traditional custom， is as the proportion of the total vocabulary of his mother tongue overagainst those words of his own baby talk that are taken up into the vernacularof his family. When one seriously studies the social orders that have had theopportunity to develop autonomously，the figure becomes no more than an exact and matter-off-factobservation. The life history of the individual is first and foremost anaccommodation to the patterns and standards traditionally handed down in hiscommunity. From the moment of his birth the customs into which he is born shapehis experience and behaviour. By the time he can talk， he is the little creature of hisculture， and by thetime he is grown and able to take part in its activities， its habits are his habits， its beliefs his beliefs， its impossibilities hisimpossibilities. Every child that is born into his group will share them withhim， and no childborn into one on the opposite side of the globe can ever achieve the thousandthpart. There is no social problem it is more incumbent upon us to understandthan this of the role of custom. Until we are intelligent as to its laws andvarieties， the maincomplicating facts of human life must remain unintelligible. V`X2>-Ex  
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The study of custom can be profitable onlyafter certain preliminary propositions have been accepted， and some of these propositionshave been violently opposed. In the first place any scientific study requiresthat there be no preferential weighting of one or another of the items in theseries it selects for its consideration. In all the less controversial fieldslike the study of cacti or termites or the nature of nebulae， the necessary method of study isto group the relevant material and to take note of all possible variant formsand conditions. In this way we have learned all that we know of the laws ofastronomy， or of thehabits of the social insects， let us say. It is only in the study of man himself that the majorsocial sciences have substituted the study of one local variation， that of Western civilization. 2-7IJ\  
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Anthropology was by definition impossibleas long as these distinctions between ourselves and the primitive， ourselves and the barbarian， ourselves and the pagan， held sway over people's minds. Itwas necessary first to arrive at that degree，of sophistication where we no longer set our own belief over againstour neighbour's superstition. It was necessary to recognize that theseinstitutions which are based on the same premises， let us say the supernatural， must be considered together， our own among the rest. 4^TG>j?M  
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風俗一般未被認為是什么重要的課題。我們覺得，只有我們大腦內部的活動情況才值得研究，至于風俗呢，只是些司空見慣的行為而已。事實小，情況正好相反。從世界范圍來看，傳統風俗是由許多細節性的習慣行為組成，它比任何一個養成的行為都更加引人注目，不管個人行為多么異常。這只是問題的一個次要的側面。最重要的是，風俗在實踐中和信仰上所起的舉足輕重的作用，以及它所表現出來的極其豐富多采的形式。 6`O.!
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沒有一個人是用純潔而無偏見的眼光看待世界。人們所看到的是一個受特定風俗習慣、制度和思想方式剪輯過的世界。甚至在哲學領域的探索中，人們也無法超越這此定型的框框。人們關于真與偽的概念依然和特定的傳統風俗有關。約翰.杜威曾經非常嚴肅地指出：風俗在形成個人行為方面所起的作用和一個對風俗的任何影響相比，就好像他本國語言的總詞匯量和自己咿呀學語時他家庭所接納的他的詞匯量之比。當一個人認真地研究自發形成的社會秩序時，杜威的比喻就是他實事求是觀察得來的形象化的說法。個人的生活史首先是適應他的社團世代相傳形成的生活方式和準則。從他呱呱墜地的時刻起，他所生于其中的風俗就開始塑造他的經歷和行為規范。到會說話時，他就是傳統文化塑造的一個小孩子；等他長大了，能做各種事了，他的社團的習慣就是他的習慣，他的社團的信仰就是他的信仰，他的社團不能做的事就是他不能做的事。每一個和他誕生在同一個社團中的孩子和他一樣具有相同的風俗；而在地球的另一邊。誕生在另一個社團的孩子與他就是少有相同的風俗。沒有任何一個社會問題比得上風俗的作用問題更要求我們對它理解。直到我們理解了風俗的規律性和多樣性，我們才能明白人為生活中主要的復雜現象。 9)}[7Mg:C  
只有在某些基本的主張被接受下來、同時有些主張被激烈反對時，對風俗的研究才是全面的，才會有收獲。首先，任何科學研究都要求人們對可供考慮的諸多因素不能厚此薄彼，偏向某一方面。在一切爭議較小的領域里，如對仙人掌、白議或星云性質的研究，應采取的研究方法是。把有關各方面的材料匯集起來，同時注意任何可能出現的異常情況和條件。例如，用這種方法，我們完全掌握了天文學的規律和昆蟲群居的習性。只是在對人類自身的研究。只要我們同原始人，我們同野蠻人，我們同異教徒之間存有的區別在人的思想中占主工導地位，那么人類學按其定義來說就無法存在。我們首先需要達到這樣一種成熟的程度：不用自己的信仰去反對我們鄰居的迷信。必須認識到，這些建立在相同前提基礎上的風俗，暫且可以說是超自然的東西，必須放在一起加以考慮，我們自己的風俗和其他民族的風俗都在其中。 PfreAEv,  
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這個RuthBenedict是何許人也？害得我們社科學子噤若寒蟬，她就是《菊與刀》的作者！ 2HpHxVJ  
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魯思·本尼迪克特是美國當代著名文化人類學家，民族學家，詩人。1887年6月5日生于紐約，原姓富爾頓(Fulton)，兩歲喪父，其祖先曾參加美國獨立戰爭。1909年畢業于瓦薩爾學院，大學時期主修英國文學,獲文學學士學位。1910年赴歐，回國后曾執教于加利福尼亞某女子中學。1914年回紐約。1919年進入哥倫比亞大學，師從美國文化人類學之父博亞斯專攻文化人類學，1923年獲博士學位。之后留校任教，歷任講師、副教授和教授，從1936年起任該校人類學系代理主任。1927年研究印第安部落的文化，寫成《文化的類型》(Patterns of Culture，1934年出版)一書。1940年著《種族：科學與政治》(Race：Science and Politics)，批判種族歧視。第二次世界大戰期間從事對羅馬尼亞、荷蘭、德國、泰國等國民族性的研究，而以對日本的研究，即《菊與刀》一書成就最大。戰后，她繼續在哥倫比亞大學參加“當代文化研究”，于1948年9月病逝,享年61歲。 >ZPsjQuf"  
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